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SOUTH CAROLINA AND MASSACHUSETTS. 



SPEECH 






' Jr^ -■' 



HON. J. J. EVANS, OF SOUTH CAROLINA, 



1^ 



REPLY TO MR. SUMNER, OF M/ISSACHUSETTS. 



DELIVERED IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, JUNE 23, 1855. 



WASHINGTON: 
PRINTED AT THE CONGRESSIONAL GLOBE OFFICE, 

1850. 



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SOUTH CAROLINA AND MASSACHUSETTS. 



The Senate, as in Committee of the UTioIe, having under 
consideratinn the bill to enable the people ot' the Terri- 
tory of Kansas to form a constitution and State govern- 
ment, preparatory to their admission into the Union when 
they have the reqnisile population- 
Mr. EVANS said: Mr. President, the subjects 
which have grown out of this unhappy Kan-sas 
affair arc of very grave import. I would willingly, 
very willingly, avoid, if it were possible, mingling 
ill this controversy. 1 liave no taste for it. It is 
against the habits of the last thirty years of my 
life; for within that period, so far as I remember, 
I have on no occasion found it necessary to make 
anything Hlce a forensic effort. Rut, sir, the 
Senator from Massachusetts not now in his seat 
[Mr. Sumner] has not left me any choice. He 
has thought proper, in a most ruthless manner, 
to assail my State, and to assail my colleagtie. 
This requires at my hands something in reply. 
In making tliis reply, I do not purpose to indulge 
in any unkind language, much less to violate a)iy 
parliamentary law. 

Tlie subjects which I propose to discuss are 
the legitimate inferences growing outof that which 
he has introduced into his speech. So far as I 
am capable of understanding it — and I certainly 
have no desire to misrepresent either that Sena- 
tor or anybody else — the great object of the Sen- 
ator's speech seemed to bo threefold: First, to 
excite the people, the Free-Soil people — the " free 
people," as he called them — in Kansas, to rebel- 
lion and resistance to the law. That seemed to 



be his first ol)ject. His second object was, to 

ny respected 
colleagU(?, [Mr. Butler;] to heap all the oppro- 



assail and vituperate my respected friend and 



brium he could on the slave Slates generally, 
and the State of South Carolina in particular. 
To this, sir, was added the further object of mag- 
nifying, as far as in him lay, the present condi- 
tion, and former, and particularly the revolu- 
tionary, services of the State of Massachusetts. 
Now, sir, upon each of these subjects I have 
something to say — very little, indeed, in relation 
to Kansas. Sir, my heart bleeds at the uiihapjiy 
condition of that country. The efforts which 



have bet^n made, from the time of the passage of 
the Kansas bill, to defeat its operation by means 
which I believe originated in this Hall, have been 
incessant and without any remission. Mr. Pres- 
ident, I am an old man; and for the last thirty 
years of my life, the business of it has been to 
endeavor to arrive dispassionately at just conclu- 
sions. I am too old to be excil<d by party con- 
flicts. I have therefore endeavored to turn my 
attention to this subject as dispassionately as I 
could; and the deliberate judgment to which I 
have come is, that if the people of Kansas — the 
pro-slavery and anti-slavery party — had been suf- 
fered to act for themselves, the unhappy condi- 
tion in which that country is now placed would 
never have existed. But, sir, the politicians — 
those who live by excitement — would not let this 
matter rest. I have no doubt you will remember, 
sir, that before the Kansas bill was passed, hun- 
dreds of thousands of pamphlets were distributed 
through this land, for the purpose of exciting the 
public prejudice against it. It was branded as a 
fraud, as a swindle, as a breach of faith on the 
part of the South. Those pamphlets were echoed 
back by the remonstrances of three thousand 
New England clergymen, and laymen without 
number. 

Mr. President, I beg to ask what was this 
plighted faith which it is charged that the South 
violated in the Kansas bill ? What was it? It 
was simply the repeal of the Missouri restriction 
— I do not call it compromise, because it partakes 
of nothing of the nature of a compact or compro- 
mi-sc. Well, sir, what was that Missoiiri restric- 
tion? I do not propose to enter into a discussion 
of it. I desire simply to say that it was an act of 
Congress. When Missouri came here requiring 
admission as a State, oljjcciion was made that she 
was a slave State. Missouri had a right, I pre- 
sume, to decide this matter for herself. She was 
settled mainly from Virginia and other slavehold- 
ing States. Slavery existed there extensively, 
aifd had existed there before the purchase of 
Louisiana, of which it was a part. Well, sir, for 
the sake of peace, after there had been much 



discussion on the subject, the South, headed by 
Mr. Lowndes, agreed that Missouri should be au- 
mitted,and tlmt after that time no slavery should 
exist beyond a certain line. As I said before, 
this was a mere act of Congress. Tiie North 
gave nothing for it. They had no right to object 
to the admission of Missouri as a slaveholding 
State. It was usurpation in them to pretend that 
they had a right to exclude her. If, then, the 
North }>ad no right to object, she gave nothing 
for this j)lighted faith of the South, as it is called. 
It was simply an act of Congress, subject to repeal 
whenever Congress tliought proper to repeal it. 

It", sir, there was any inducement on the part 
of the South to assent to this Missouri restriction, 
it was the belief, which they had a right to ex- 
pect, that the slavery agitation should cease. 
Tlu'v had surrendered a portion of their territory, 
that' to which they had as good a title as any 
other portion of this Union, and they had a right 
to expect that the slavery agitation Avould cease. 
If anybody has a right to complain of this breach 
of faith, it is the South. The slavery agitation 
has been continued from 1820 up to this time; 
there has been no remission in it. If it has par- 
tially died out on some occasions, the first oppor- 
tunity Avhieh presented itself has been seized to 
revive it with still greater virulence. 

Mr. President, I do not propose to go further 
on this subject. It has been so often discussed 
that it would be an unnecessary waste of the 
time of the Senate for me to attempt to discuss it 
again; but this agitation seems to have arisen out 



of the question of slavery; and on that I have 
something to say, though but very little. Sir, 
the South — the slave States — arc not propagand- 
ists; they arc content with their institutions as 
they are; they are content with that form of civ- 
ilization which exists amongst them; they desire 
not to extend it to New England or to any other 
portion of the United States, who do not choose 
to receive it. But, sir, whilst they are willing to 
do this, there is nothing in their nature, and there 
is nothing in their institutions, which inclines 
them to submit tjimely to any aggressions on their 
rights. If slavery be a sin, it is ours, and we 
are willing to bear it. Neither New England nor 
any other section of the country comes in for any 
participation of it. If, as has been said, it is an 
incubus on the advance of civilization — if it is an 
incubus on the energies of any people — that in- 
cubus rests on our piiople, and does not paralyze 
any other section. If we are willing to bear it, why 
should others desire to relieve us of that of which 
we do not complain? 

But it is said, "You arc not content to keep 
your institutions in your own section, but you 
desire to extend them to Kansas." Well, sir, 
if we desire to extend them to Kansas, have we 
not a right to do so .' Dots not Kansas belong 
in part to tlie Louisiana j)urchase .- Did we not 
pay equally — I do not say we paid more — but we 

raid our full share of the price of that country, 
fpenll'-men wish to know wliy we jjarllcUlarly 
desire to liave Kansas, I can tell them. If the sla- 
very agitation liad ciased, and if, after the Mi«- 
Bouri compromise, those who live in the free 
.fcslalts would have been coulcnt to allow things 



to remain as they were, there would never have 
been any movement to change that understanding 
between the two sections of the country. But, 
sir, no sooner had they succeeded in placing the 
Missouri restriction on our settlement of that 
northwestern country, than both Houses of Con- 
gress were flooded with petitions to abolish sla- 
very in the District of Columbia, to abolish what 
was called the slave trade between the States, and, 
more than that, to abolish it in the forts and gar- 
risons and every other place over which Congress 
had any jurisdiction. Did I not hear the Sen- 
ator from Massachusetts [Mr. Wilson] say, that 
it was the intention of his party to abolish sla- 
very in the Territoiies, in the District of Colum- 
bia, and everywhere elsewhere they had power? 
If they will abolish it wherever they have the 
power, they will get the power whenever they can. 
The same spirit which would exercise the power 
will get the power whenever it can. Let any man 
cast his eye on the map of this immense domain, 
extending from the Atlantic to the Pacific ocean ^ 
and he will see a space there, outside of the ex- 
isting States, abundantly large to make States 
enough to give the gentlemen what they desire. 
Whenever you have sixty State.? in this Union, 
three fourths of them can alter the Constitution, 
and abolish slavery everywhere. You have 
thirty-one now; you want only twenty-nine. 
Where are they to come from ? Kansas and Ne- 
braska can make six; New Mexico will make 
half as many; California may be well divided into 
three States; and there is no doubt of the fact, I 
venture to say, that within the next forty or fifty 
years it will be accomplished — that the Indians 
will be driven out, and those large territories, ex- 
tending from the Atlantic to the Pacific, will be 
divided into States of this Union. Was it strange, 
then, that the South should be alarmed at this 
state of things ? I did not hear it; but I have un- 
derstood that, in 1850, a Senator here from one of 
the free States said their object was to build a 
wall around slavery — a wall of freemen, to render 
slave property unproductive, and to force its 
emancipation. 
Mr. BUTLER. " Cordon," was the word. 
Mr. EVANS. Well, sir, Kansas, although it 

jl is but one State when added, will be good against 
three more. And was it strange, then, that the 
South should desire possession of Kansas merely 
as a guarantee.' There is no pretense that they 

j'can occupy any other portion of that immense 
region. Everybody knows that slavery will not 

' do for a farming coiuitry merely. It is of no value 

jlin a graining country; it is of no value in the 
! mechanic arts; it can only be used to advantage 
i in the cultivation of thp great staples. There is 
j no pretense that anyone of the great staples that 

i constitute the great material of our foreign com- 
] merce, can be cultivated anywhere within the 
limits of these Territories outsidi' of the Territory 
] of Kansas. I ought, Mr. President, to say, in 

[' this connection, that, although I have expressed 
our fears as to the future, yet, with such gentle- 
men as I see around me from the free States, I 
have nothing to fear. I know that the honorable 

j Senator from Connecticut [Mr. Foster] would 
do no such act of foul injustice as to interfere 



with slavery in the Stntes. And if the question 
was to-morrow, wlitthfi-llio Constilutioii sliould 
be altered, and this <;reat and crying wrong per- 
petrated, lie would not do it; nnd 1 ciin say the 
same of many others wliom 1 see iiere to-day; 
but can I forjjet, or can anybody forget, what is 
the progress of this thintj? Why, sir, was not 
Daniel Webster refused the use of Kaneuil Hall 
because it was suppo.sed he had expressed some 
deffrco of toleration for tlie institution of slavery? 
What guarantee have 1 — what ffuaranlee can any- 
body have, that, in twenty or thirty years from 
this time, those who are here now will not be 
elbowed out as they have been in some of the 
States by some more illiberal persons than them- 
selves ? 

These, Mr. President, nre the reasons why we 
desire Kansas; but it was not allowed. The very 
instant it was opened to the slave population, that 
instant there sprung up a contrivance — a machin- 
ery was set in operation of which I do not choose 
to speak — the object of which was to defeat this 
act of Congress, and, as was said by tlie Senator 
from jMassachuscitss, to devote this Territory to 
freedom. Well, sir, if they can devote it to free 
population in the ordinary way, without the use 
of this new scheme of immigration of which he 
spake— and which I suppose is that which has 
been in operation — if they can get possession o*" 
it without resort to this new scheme of immigia- 
tion, we cannot object; I, for one, would not 
object. 

Mr. President, I now propose to submit some 
remarks on this hated subject of slavery. Sir, I 
am not frightened by a name. A wise legislator 
looks to things as they are; and he who would 
legislate for this great Republic must look to it 
as it is. A state of things exist here which, per- 
haps, exists nowhere else; but it is here, and you 
must deal with it as a wise and honest man should. 
I do not mean in any remarks which f shall make 
to reproach Massachusetts, or any other State 
or sectionof the world, on the subject of the slave 
trade. It is true that, at least so far as South 
Carolina is concerned, we participated very little 
in it. Some few ships were fitted out in Charles- 
ton, but I doubt if a native of the State ever had 
any participation in it. But, sir, I reproach no- 
body for it. At that period in the history of the 
world, it was thought right. There was the con- 
current testimony of the civilized world that, to 
capture the wild savage of Africa, and reduce him 
to a state of sul ijection , to feed and clothe him , and 
civilize him, and Christianize him was no wrong ? 
I say, therefore, that I reproach no man for it. 
We followed only the popular sentiment which 
prevailed in the world. Hut, sir, I think we have 
a right to complain, and it is tiie only complaint 
on this subject I have to make, that, if others have 
gone before us, if we have been outstripped in 
finding out that this system was wrong, those 
persons who have been thus fortunate will let us 
alone until we ourselves become sufficiently en- 
lightened to concur in their opinion. This, we 
think, we have the right to ask; this is all we do 
ask. 

I propose to enter into no ethnological inquiry 
about the unity of the races. My own opinion, 



my own judgment is, that we arc all one — proba- 
bly de.scended from a common ancestor; but that 
is very inimateriiij. We find men diflen nt on 
the face of the earth — as difl'erent as they would 
be if they were not descended from a common 
ancestor ; but in relation to the African, no man 
in this House, and no man out of it, can say that 
there is any corner of this earth, upon which the 
African race nre as well ofl', aa well providi-d for, 
with more of the elements of happiness, than 
in the slave part of these Uniuil Slates. I assert 
it without the fear of contradiction. I know not 
from whence it has come ; but this I know, that 
the Africans were slaves in the days of the Pha- 
raohs ; that nine out often of them are slaves in 
their native land; and that in no country of which 
I am aware are they received upon an equality 
with the white race. In confirmation of the fact 
which I have just stated, that nine out of ten of 
them are slaves in their own country, I beg leave 
to refer to an incident in Park's travels in Africa. 
In the year, 1796, after having visited the interior, 
when he returned to the coast of Senegal, finding 
no ves.sel bound for Europe, he look passage in 
a slaveship, bound for Charleston. In that ship 
there were one hundred and sixty Africans. Hav- 
ing been a year in their country, he understood 
their language, and was able to converse with 
them. He found that, of the whole one hundred 
and sixty, only four had been born free. The 
rest were slaves. If any man desires to know 
what is the state of slavery in Africa, let him read 
Park, and Lander, and the recent book of Cap- 
tain Canot. 

Many of the negroes at t,he South are intelligent, 
although they have not much mental culture — 
certainly very little that is derived from books. 
They are an improving people — improving in in- 
telligence and in morals. 1 have no doubt that 
the time will come when God will work out his 
own problem in relation to Africa. Carlyle says, I 
think with some truth, that all the great events in 
the history of man have generally been produced 
by a single individual, or by but very few; that 
the great reformation in religion was produced by 
Luther; that Cromwell and his associates in Eng- 
land produced a wondrous change in the notions 
of mankind, in relation to civil and religious lib- 
erty; that a new impetus was given to this ball by 
the American Revolution, of which Washington 
was the chosen instrument of Providence to ac- 
complish. Sir, lor aught I know, it may be that, 
in the provideni'i'of God,in his own proper time, 
a deliverance will be worked out for this race. 
At present they are not fit for it, but they arc 
going on in improvement, both mentally nnd mor- 
ally. Of one thing 1 am sure — when that time 
arrives, some more fit instrument will be used 
than those who have now thrust themselves into 
this business, prematurely, and in a manner 
wholly uncalled for. I douljt very much whether 
Parson Beecher will be a chosen instrument in the 
hands of God fiir the purpose of etVecting this or 
any other great and beneficial change in theafl'airs 
of mankind. 

Sir, as 1 said before, I am not frightened by 
names. I am not alarmed by the fear that I shall 
be held up in some future fourth of July speech, 



6 



or some college orntion, or in the columns of Bome I 
filthy newspaper, ns the advocate of slavery, i 
That has no terrors for nie. 1 stand here to legis- 1 
late for this country as ii is. If the institution' 
of slavery be an evil, to whom is it an evil? Is 
it to tlie master? What injurious effect does it 
produce upon him ? Is he not as much of a gen- 
tleman, is he not as moral a man, is he not as 
pious and riIi£:ious a man, is he not as distin- 
guished for all "the cardinal virtues as the people 
of nnv country on the face of the earth? If he is 
not, I have not found out the fact. 

If it be an evil to the African, where, I ask, is 
his condition better? Is it in Africa? Let Park 
and the travelers in that country answer the 

Juestion. Is his condition better in Hayti or 
amaica? Let those who desire correct informa- 
tion on that point go to some fountain of truth, 
and they will find it. I would recommend every 
man who embarks in this controversy with the 
hope of bettering the condition of the African, to 
read the letter of Governor Wood, of Ohio. On 
his way to his consulate in South America he 
stopped at Jamaica. Let any man read what he 
Bays, and compare it with what he may see at ' j 
the South— not what he has road in Mrs. Stowe's i| 
novel — and he will find the truth of what I assert, \ 
that the condition of the African is better in our j! 
southern States than in any of those countries I 
in which he has been emancipated. 

I ask, further, is his condition better in the 
East? Is a free negro in New England as well 
off as a slave who has a good master? and nine 
out of ten, I believe I might say ninety-nine out of i 
a hundred, are good masters. Let the facts speak j 
for themselves. Look at the census. Although 
emancipation has been going on, and fugitives! 
have been flying to the free States, the census I 
shows that, in the slave Slates, the slave popula-| 
tion has increased infinitely beyond the increase I 
of the free people of color, with all these append- 
ages, in the free States. If you go to the records 
of pauperism and poverty, what do you find?! 
You find that he is a being infinitely more de- 
graded than the white man. In 1850, in the State 
of Massachusetts, with a population of overi 
900,000 white inhabitants, there were 389 con- 
victs in her penitentiaries, and 47 black convicts 
out of a negro population of 9,000. In Connecti- 
cut, there were 14G white and 30 black convicts 
in her penitentiary. In New York, you find the 
same disproportion. 

The result is, that in Massachusetts there is 1 
white convict out of every 2, .522 whites, and 1 1 
black convict for every 20:? negroes. In New 
York, there is 1 white convict in 2,056, and 1 
black convict in 142. In Virginia, there is 1 white 
convict in 5,570, and 1 black convict in 11,600. 
1 do not suppose that these figures present ex- 
actly a correct statement in relation to Virginia,' 
for I huppose the slaves there are not punished in 
Huch a way as to exhibit in prison returns the full , 
result of crime. I presume they are punished, as i 
in South Carolina, in tiome summary way of 
which no special n'cord is ke[)f, but, -so far as 
MaKKachuMitts and N'.w York are concerned, the 
queslion is Ketik'd beyond all conlrovcrsy. 



The rapid increase of population in the ordi- 
nary way is looked upon by all writers as one 
of the sirons^est evidences of the bodily comfort 
at least, of tne subjects of it. Crime and pauper- 
ism are the fruits, not of comfort and independ- 
ence, but of want and destitution. The fact, that 
in Massachusetts there is 1 white convict otU of 
2,522, and 1 black convict out of 263, exhibits a 
state of things, showing beyond all question that 
in those regions of boasted freedom the black 
man is in a sad condition. 

I am sorry, sir, that necessity compels me to 
speak of the absent Senator from Massachu- 
setts. I do not intend to use his own language, 
or to be unmindful of what is due to myself, but 
I have to speak of his facts. What codld be the 
object of the wondrous tirade which we heard 
from him about freedom ? Does he mean that, 
in the state of things which exists in this coun- 
try, he thinks it desirable to turn loose three mil- 
lions of Africans? If he does, he means what 
few people besides himself— few considerate peo- 
ple — would suppose to be practicable. The Sen- 
ator from Massachusetts, [Mr. Wilson,] who is 
present, has defined his position. He disclaims 
any right to interfere with slavery in the States. 
It is a fair inference, as I have already remarked, 
that, though he is now restrained by the Consti- 
tion, he would do it if he had the power; but in 
that I may do him injustice. The other Senator 
from Massachusetts [Mr. Sumner] has never, I 
believe, defined his position on this point. He 
has never said — in fact the contrary is to be in- 
ferred — that the Constitution aifords us any guar- 
antee. 1 suppose, then, (to borrow a manufac- 
turer's term,) that he belongs to that stripe of the 
anti-slavery party who deny that the Constitu- 
tion has guarantied slavery, and who contend 
that Congress has the power to abolish it, and is 
in duty bound to exercise the power as soon as 
it can. Tliis is the doctrine of Garrison, and of 
some papers which are sent to me every day — 
among the rest, one called the Radical Abolition- 
ist. If such be the Senator's views, I can only 
say that they are utterly impracticable. 1 shall 
not waste the time of t'he Senate in discussing 
such a scheme. If it is to be done on payment 
of the value of the slaves, $1,000,000,000 will 
not pay for them. If they are to be emancipated 
and sent to Africa, that sum will not pay the ex- 
pense of their transportation and maintenance 
there until they are able to maintain themselves. 
If the object of that party be to emancipate them, 
and leave them in the States, it requn-es no sa- 
gacity to see what will be the result. 

Sir, between the white man, North and South, 
and the black man, there is a deep, an impassable 
gulf. It is as manifest at the North as at the South. 
In 1847, I traveled through New England and 
New York. I was ten days in Boston and three 
weeks in New York. During all that tin)e 1 
never saw a negro at work. It is well known 
there that a white man will not work with him. 
This with some people is the objection to allow- 
ing slaves to go to Kansas. They say the white 
man will not work with the negro. If there be 
any man who in his senses believes that the 



negro's condition would be bettered by emanci- 
pation now, I have never met him, unless he l)C 
one of tliose wiiom I have seen luul iieard on this 
floor. 1 need not say, what is obvious to every- 
body who knows any thinj; about tlie matter, that 
his coiulition would be infiiiiiely worse. 

If these declamations about freedom, und these 
commiserations for the poor negro's condition, 
have any meaning — if they are to result in any- 
thing, I should suppose thev would result ui 
eomething to better his condition. Now, will 
his condition be bettered? No man, I think, 
will rise liere in his place and say that it will. 

But another fruitful subject of declamation — 
the Senator from Massachusetts spoke largely 
about it — is, that we send little children to ihe 
auction block — that we part husband and wife. 
I can inform him that this act which he thus justly 
denounces is ns much denuncialed in the State 
of South Carolina as in Massachusetts. Sir, I live 
in a slave country; I live in a district in which 
the slave pojiulation exceeds the wliite by two 
thirds; and yet I affirm licre, that I have never 
known an instance in which a separation has 
been made between husband and wife, or, as I 
have heard, mother and her children. If gentle- 
men will look at the census, they will see that by 
far the greater part of the slaveholders own from 
one to ten slaves. When you come, on the par- 
tition of estates, to divide that number between 
families, there must necessarily be some separa- 
tion; but as to putting them on the block, and 
selling them to anybody who may choose to buy, 
I never lieard of it; I never knew it; and I do not 
believe the popular sentiment in any part of South 
Carolina would tolerate it for a moment. 

In this connection I may say that the man 
Legree, who has been held up as the model of 
a slaveholder, is no more a representative of 
the slaveholders of South Carolina, than a Mas- 
sachusetts man, by the name of Knapp, is of 
the morals of Massachusetts. Knapp was the 
nephew of an aged and respectable old gentleman 
who had once been a member of the House of 
Representatives, who was eighty years of age, 
and in the ordinary course of nature could have 
lived but a few years. His nephew was so 

f reedy to put his hands on his property that lie 
ired an assassin to enter his chamber at mid- 
night and murder the old man in his sleep. I 
quote not that as a model of Massachusetts mo- 
rality, but it as fairly represents Massachusetts 
morality as this fellow Legree does the slave- 
holders of the South. 

1 am sorry to say — but it is necessary that I 
should say, that whatever opinion a northern man 
may entertain at home upon the subject of sla- 
very, I have never known any qualms of con- 
science to disturb him when he came to the 
South, and succeeded to this kind of property, 
.either by purchase, inheritance, or marriage. I 
have never known any man who came among us, 
no matter where he came from, who, if he re- 
moved into a free State, did not put the value of 
his slaves in his pocket, and go oft' with a quiet 
and peaceable conscience. I do not blame any- 
body for this. If what I have stated of the con- 
dition of these people when free be true, he 



would have done them an injustice by emancipa- 
ting them. If he had carried them to New Eng- 
land or New York, the strong probability i.-j that 
llie penitentiary would have been their doom. 

It is very easy to be humane at other people's 
expense. I have known two or three fellows 
who went from South Carolina to free Stales, 
and turned Abolilionist.-s. I knew an exceedingly 
clever young man, as I supposed him to be, who 
removed to Mis3issipi)i, and there sold his ne- 
groes at ^1,000 round. He went to Ohio, and 
the next I heard of him he was figuring there in 
an abolition meeting, very denunciatory of the 
slaveholders. There was another man who went 
from my State, who was a Baptist preacher, who 
had a large number of negroes. He sold them, 
and carried off his money; and the next thing we 
heard of him was an entire mailbag full of abo- 
lition pamphlets, sent by him to his friend."? in 
South Carolina. But, sir, he had the money for 
his slaves in his pocket, and he never disgorged it. 

There is an extraordinary case connected with 
this subject which it is right that I should state. 
It has some peculiar significance. In the year 
1839, a Mr. Ball, who was a rice planter on Cooper 
river, at the mouth of which the city of Charles- 
ton is built, look passage with his wife, who was 
a New England woman, and, as I have always 
understood, an exceedingly clever lady. It wa« 
the misfortune of this gentleman and his wife, 
that the steamboat in which they took pas.sage, 
the Pulaski , was lost off the coast of North Caro- 
lina; she broke in two on the high sea; and, with 
the exception of three or four per.sons, all per- 
ished who were on board, and among the rest 
this gentleman and his wife. Ho left a large es- 
tate. Who was to get it? Mr. Ball had made a 
will, in which he made a large provision for his 
wife. The question was, did she survive him : 
If she died first, it was a lapsed legacy; if ah<^ 
survived him but for a moment, the legacy was 
hers, and would go to her heirs. 

The case of which I am speaking is known ai 
the case of Pell vs. Ball. Mr. Pell, who I believe 
lived in New York, had married a lady who was 
perhaps the sister of Mrs. Ball, or, at any rate, 
one of the heirs. He and the other heirs of Mrs. 
Ball filed a bill in the court of equity for the pur- 
pose of having the benefit of this legacy. The 
chancellor decided, on the evidence of a Miss 
Lamar, of Georgia, a very extraordinary young 
woman of unusual fortitude and presence of mind, 
that Mrs. Ball survived, and therefore these claim- 
ants, as her heirs-at-law, were entitled to the leg- 
acy. That settled the right; and the property, 
consisting of over one hundred slaves, was or- 
dered by the chancellor to be sold by the master. 

Another gentleman, who was equally entitled 
with Mr. Pell, attended the sale; and, as I learn 
by some papers which I have here — for I was not 
there on the day of sale — among the negroes to 
be sold was a negro man named Frank, with his 
family, consisting of a wife and eight childrer.v 
It is the uniform order and direction of the court 
of equity, that negroes shall be sold in families. 
This negro man had been the favorite body 
servant of Mr. Ball. This other gentleman held 
some conversation with him on the day of" sale 



8 



la that coiiTersation it was understood that he , 
promised the negro that, if he would consent to ' 
be sold separate and apart from hia wife and chil- 
dren, he would provide for and take care of him. j 
The woman and the children were put up and bid j 
for by Mr. Lowndes, a brother-in-law of Gov- , 
crnor Aiken, of the flouso of Representatives. 
He bought them, not for himself, but for his j 
orrcrseer. Under the impression that this con- j 
iract was to bo carried out in fairness and in good | 
spirit, the negro man Frank was put up, and | 
bought ill by the agent of this other gentleman. | 

Everbody supposed that this was all right and ! 
fair; but, to the utter amazement of the people, 
within two or three days afterwards, this man j 
Frank was offered for sale to anybody who would | 
buy him. There was indignation expressed 
about it which this gentleman could not resist, i 
Ho then sold him to Mr. Lowndes, but still must ! 
have fifty dollars for his profit. He pocketed his \ 
fifty dollars and his share of the proceeds of that ; 
eale, and he returned home. Now, if any one I 
desires to know who that man was, the letter , 
which I send to the Secretary's desk, and ask to j 
have read, will disclose. j 

Mr. CLAY. Was he a northern or a southern 
man.' 

Mr. EVANS. You will learn tliat when you 
hear the letter read. 

The Secretary read, as follows: 

Charleston, June 10, lco6. 

My dear Sir: Yours of the 4lb instant, inclosing Mr. 
TiiBany's letter, has been received. The facts of the case 
of Mr. Albert Sumner are substantially correct as stated in 
ilr. Tiflany's note. In a conversation witli Mr. TitTany, 
wtien I had thu pleasure of seeing him here in February 
lost, alluding to tlie fanatical and political ravings of the 
Abolitionists at Washington, I expressed the opinion that 
Uiey were actuated by political and sectional jealousy, and 
not by motives of philanthropy, and I incidentally mun- 
uoncd Uiat tlie instances of the separation of families, so 
iiflen rhetorically described, was generally by the agency of 
foreigners, who were devoid of that sympathy which exists 
between the native-born slaveholder and the slave. In 
niu-itration of my position, I stated to Mr. Tifl'any tliat the 
most inhuman and revolting case of the separation of fami- 
lies (recently and uloijuently alluded to by the lion. Charles 
Hutnner, " to separate husband and wife, and to sell little 
<*ildrcii at the auction-bloek ") that had ever come under 
lay observation in the course of an experience of upwards 
of half a ccMlury, was one in which Mr. Albert Sumuer, the 
brotlier of the Hon. Charles Sumner, was chief agent. 

[Applause, and laughter in the galleries.] 

Mr. STUART. Mr. President, I insist that 
the Chair shall preserve order. If it is necessary 
to clear the galleries, I hope it will be effected for 
once, 80 that people may know what belongs to 
the proprieties of the Senate. If the Senate is to 
be turned into a theater, let us know it. 1 would 
be glad at this time if the Chair would exercise | 
the authority which belongs to him to clear that 
part of the galleries from whii-.h the noise ema- 
nated. 

Mr. WELLER. That would certainly be very 
unfair. There could not be more than two or three 
persona engaged in the disturbance, and I should 
liatc very much to si.e tin; whole gallery cleared 
because there happened to be two or three disor- 
derly persons in the Senate Chamber. It i.s rarely 
Jo<» will find so large an imsemblage as this that 
ocB not contain some persons who do not know 
kow to behave ihemsclvca. If liie apjiluusc had 



been a general thing, it would be proper to clear 
the galleries; but it was confined to two or three 
persons — not more than that — and I hope, there- 
fore, that no notice will be taken of the matter, 
and that there will be no further disturbance in 
the Senate. 

The PRESIDING OFFICER, (Mr. BicLERin 
the chair.) The Secretary will proceed with the 
reading of the letter. 

The Secretary continued, as follows: t 

Upon Mr. Tiffany's expressing much surprise, I told 
him that I was present on the occasion ; that if at any time 
he should think proper to mention the fact, he might give 
me as his authority. Being referred to, I will, in conformity 
with your request, furnish you with the details as far as ray 
memory serves me. In the winter of 1844, Mr. Albert 
Sumner became entitled by marriage to a distributive share 
of the estate of Mr. and Mrs. S. Ball, of this State, by a 
decree of the court of equity in the case of Pell and Ball. 
At a sale of the negroes, in pursuance of the order of the 
court, I was present, and remarked that Mr. Sumner was 
very active in the management and arrangement of the sale^ 
Among the negroes was a man servant remarkable for hia 
fidelity to his former master, who by the officer of the court 
was advertised to be sold, as is customary, with his family. 
Our friend, Mr. Charles T. Lowndes, proceeded to the sale 
with the intention of purchasing the aforesaid family, (for 
his overseer,) but to the surprise and indignation of Mr. 
Lowndes and the other bystander?, it was discovered that 
the father had been withdrawn and sold separately from his 
family, by the direction of Mr. Sumner, under promise, as 
was understood, of great indulgence in consideration of his 
past services. Under these circumstances he was purchased 
by Mr. Sumner or his agent at a moderate rate. But in 
a very short time afterwards he was offered for sale by 
Mr. Sumner to more than one gentleman at a price much 
beyond iliat at which Mr. Sumner had purchased him. But 
these gentlemen having refused to aid and abet a specula- 
tion so monstrous, and Mr. Sumner having ascertained that 
Mr. Lowndes iiad purchased the family, offered the servant 
at a price beyond that at which he had purchased him. Mr. 
Lowndes tinally acceded, having the satisfaction of restor- 
ing the father to lii^ family. It is a circumstance worthy 
of being nn'iitioni-rl tli:it, in replying to Mr. Sumner, Mr. 
Lowndes, ^ nh the li ( imiis which fill the bosom ofaslave- 
holder whii !• rl> limisi li to be the protector and benefactor 
of his slaves, luok tliw occasion of expressing, in a letter, 
fwliich he submitted to Colonel Ashe and myself,) his 
denunciation of the proceeding in terms that would have 
aroused a southern gentleman. 

The above, as far as my memory serves me is a true and 
unvarnished account of the case to which Mr. Tiffany al- 
luded. The circumstances are impressed upon my memory 
from the fact of my having been particularly acquainted 
with them at Uie time, having been in consultation with 
31r. Lowndes, and as tvents which do violence to one's 
feelings arc culculatcil In make an impression. 

I will call upon Mr. Lowndes for a statemmit of the cir- 
cumstances, as far as he rccollecu them, and I may prol>- 
ably delay this to go simultaneously with his. 

I am, dear sir, with esteem and respect, yours truly, 

WILLIAM B. PUINGLE.* 
Hon. William Aiken, Ilouae of Rcprcscntaliucs. 

Mr. EVANS. On that letter I have no com- 
ment to make, and here I take my leave of the 
subject of slavery. 

Sir, I have been at the North. I have seen 
much, very much, there to admire; I have seen 
some things that 1 should be glad my country- 
men would avail themselves of. I doubt not, if 
northern gentlemen (I believe very few — none, 
but invalids and commercial men — ever visit our 
country) would come among us, and see our in- 
stitutions—if they were to see how practicallv 
this form of civilization operates there, very much 
of their prejudice would be removed. 

• There arc several other I'.ltcrs to Uiu name effect. 



There is nothinn^ that I look upon with so much 
horror as thf? scclioi>ai j'^aloiisy which is fanning; 
every day, and will siiortly l)c' fanned intoa hla/.e, 
I fear, between the two sections of the country. 
There is nothing that I could do, consistent with 
duty and consistent with honor, which I would 
not do to prevent it. I am no proplict; I would 
avoid, as far as I can, to look into the dark futun; 
which these things seem to indicate. I have often 
had occasion to say that I am a hopeful man; that 
I never look upon the dark side of things if I 
can possibly avoid it; but it i.s impossible that I 
should conceal from myself wiiat the poet says, 
that 

"Coming events cast their shadows before." 

Air. President, I come now to a part of tliis 
discussion which I would very willingly pass 
over. In the second section, as I divide it, of the 
Senator's [Mr. Sumner] speech, lie says that 
" The constitution of South Carolina is repub- i 
lican in name only," that were the whole history ' 
of South Carolina blotted from existence, from ' 
its very beginning down to the day of the last j 
election of my honored colleague on this floor — ' 

" civilization might lose, I will not say how little, but surely , 
less than it has already gained by the example of Kansas, ' 
in its valiant struggle ag;iinst oppression, and in tlie devel- I 
opment of a new scheme of emigration." | 

These are a few only of many similar sentences | 
in the Senator's speech. Sir, is the State of South , 
Carolina to be viliiied in tliis way — to be vituper- 
ated ? Is my honored colleague to be held up to 1 1 
ridicule — compared to Don Gluixote .' and is it to 1 1 
be said of him that i 

" tliere was no extravagance of the ancient parliamentary 
debate which he did not repeat ; iioj^vas there any possible ; 
deviation from truth which he did liWt make, with so much ' | 
of passion, I am glad tn add, .as to save him from the sus ; i 
picion of intentional aberration. Hut the Senator touches \ 
nothing which he does not (li.-fii;iirc — willi error, sometimes 
of principle, sometimes ni'Iaci. Ilr ~ho\\s aii incapacity of ,[ 
accuracy, whether in stating tin' Cniisijmtioii or in staling , 
tlie law, whether in the di'tails ofstatistics or llic diversions , \ 
of scholarship. He cannot ope his mouth, but out there j I 
flies a blunder."' |; 

And yet, sir, this is what the Senator says, on j | 
his oath before the committee of the other House, I 
was only a just reply to what my colleague had i 
said! If you examine my colleague's speech, I 
you will find that personally to Mr. Sumner he 
has said nothing, except about two years ago, 
when he was making a furious speech against the 
fugitive slave law, my colleague asked him that, \ 
suppose Congress were to repeal the fugitive slave | 
law, would Massachusetts, or he might have said 
you — meaning the people of Massachusetts — en- j 
force the Constitution under which we claim this 
right; and then issued forth that burst of elo- 
quence, " Is thy servant a dog, that he should j 
do this thing.'" j 

The only imputation I have been able to find i 
in his speech on the State of Massachusetts— 
the only thing said at which Massachusetts, or j 
any son of Massachusetts, could take ofl'ense, ' 
was a statement that, at the period when the [ 
emancipation of slavery took place in Massa- { 
chusetts, little negroes were given away like | 
puppies. That is to be found in her own histo- j 
rian; my colleague was quoting from him. The > 



only otlier thing which ho said was thiit New 
England had had ii fugitive hUvc law at some 
former period of hi r history. The other Sena- 
tor from MnHSiichusctts [Mr. Wilson] denies 
that. I have the evidence hero. It is true it 
might not apply to Afri<ran slavery, but it ap- 
plied to Indian slavery, which was the .same in 
princij)Ie. This i.s an extract from " the Con- 
federacy of the New England colonies of Mnfl- 
sachuaetts, Plymouth, Connecticut, and New 
Haven, adopted 1()43." Tliis was just at the 
time wlien some war — I think it was the Pequod 
war — was about to be undertake n. Article four 
provides that the expenses of all wars arc to be 
paid by contributions of eacli colony, according t6 
their polls; "and according to the cliffcrmt charge 
of each jurisdiction or plantation, the whole ad- 
vantage of the war, (if it please God so to bloas 
their endeavors,) whether it be in land, goods, 
or persons, shall be proportionably divided among 
the said confederates." 

In other word.i, nil the lands they .should ac- 
quire from the Indians by conquest, all the goods 
of which they should possess themselves, and 
all the captives — "persons" — should be divided 
among all the confederates. As I said before, 
I do not refer to this as a crime in these people; 
very far from it. This was in 1643. 

In 1706, when that good old man, John Arch- 
dale, was Governor of South Carolina, an honest 
old duaker, this trade was carried on to a very 
large extent. The Indians, who before that time 
had burned and massacred their captives, finding 
they had a market for them, carried them into 
Charleston, and sold them. This old man, this 
good old U.uakcr, purchased as many as his 
means enabled him to purchase, and sent them 
back to their native country- In the early his- 
tory of the colonics an Indian was thought no 
more of than a brute. His rights were not looked 
to as things to be thought of. Whenever he came 
in contact with a while man he had to give way. 
It was the popular sentiment of the times, and I 
impute it to no man as a sin. But, sir, these 
good people of New England, anticipating that 
some of the Indians might run away, provided 
this, which is very much like a fugitive slave law: 

" Ft is also agreed, that if any servant run away from his 
master into any of these confederate jurisdictions, that ia 
such case, upon certificate of one magistrate in the juris- 
diction out of which such servant fled, or upon other prooC, 
the said servant sh.ill he delivered cither to his master, 
or any other that pursues and brings such certificate or 
proof." 

Mr. COLLAMER. What is the date of that? 

Mr. EVANS. Sixteen hundred and forty- 
three. The gentleman from Massacliusetts [Mr. 
Wilson] says that was anterior to the introduc- 
tion of any slaves from Africa. I am not aware 
of the fact myself, but probably it is so; but that 
makes no diflerence. There can be no question 
of the language. It was designed for the Indians, 
because it is ui the very articles of confederation, 
in which they agreed that all the advantages of 
the war in land, goods, or prisoners, should be 
for the common benefit. 

Mr. BUTLER. And no trial by jury was 
allowed. 

Mr. EVANS. I have no disposition to cou- 



10 



Bumo ilie time of the Senate by any further re- | 
murks oil the subjeet. I tliink the evidence is { 
very saiisfaciory, (at least it is to my mind,) that 
this was an ajrffrcssive assault on the part of the 
Senator from Massachusetts [Mr. Sumner] which 
notliing can justify- 

As to the consequences which followed — and 
which unhappily occurred in the Senate Cham- 
ber—as that matter is pending in a different tri- 
bunal, and Lufore a different body, I do not think 
it necessary that 1 should say anything further 
than liiis: that 1 regret it for one reason— I do 
not say for any other — I regret it for the reason 
that it lias given occasion to the grossest misrep- 
resentations and aggravations tliat can be con- 
ceived of. I have seen, in most of the accounts 
which 1 have read — I do not say it is so in the 
proceedings of the State Legislatures — the trans- 
action so shadowed forth and presented that one 
would have supposed the President of the Senate 
was in his chair at the time. There is not a 
word said from which you would draw the in- 
ference that the Senate was not in session. I un- 
derstand there are pictures circulating — perhaps 
in Washington — in which Mr. Sumner is repre- 
eenttd as down upon the ground — I do not know 
that it represents him as holding up his hands 
begging for mercy — and Mr. Brooks as standing 
over him with a club, and beating him when [ 
down. Everybody knows that is not so. Sir, [ 
I saw that affair. I did not see the first blow, i 
but I saw all after the first, or second, or third i 
blow, and I know as well what transpired as 
anybody else. I do not know who was present. 
The thing was done so soon, and there was so 
much confusion, that I did not know the Senator 
from Connecticut [Mr. Foster] was present, 
although he was sitting immediately behind me. 
I take leave of that subject now.. 

The next point to which 1 propose to call the 
attention of the Senate is that part of the Sen- 
ator's speech in which he boasted that the pro- 
ductive industry of the Slate of Massachusetts 
exceeded three times the value of the whole cot- 
ton crop of the United States. That is a matter 
of calculation. I have troubled myself some to 
look into it, and I will state the result of my ex- 
amination. 1 do not know that I understand the 
exact meaning of the Senator when he speaks of 
productive industry; but 1 presume that produc- 
tive industry is that which labor produces out 
of capital; and when, therefore, he speaks of 
productive industry, he means that the inter- 
est which capital yields, with the profits of the 
labor, amounts to three times the value of the 
cotton crop. According to the census of 1850, the 
valui; of the cotton exported in that year was 
$112,315,317. There were consumed in the Uni- 
ted States seven hundred thousand bales, whicli, 
at <p5 a bah— l<Rs than it really brought — would 
amount to g,iil,5()U,UU4. These items together 
make up the sum of $136,815,317. According 
to the census, on page 179, the product of all 
the manufacturing and mtehanit; arts of Mas- 
each ubcii.s was 5151,137,145. If to this you add, 
for thi- fi.-iliiries, <|G,CU(i,H49, you have a total of 
$157,74.'t,'.t'.)4. Itap|Kiirs from the census, that 
the raw mutcriul used in these manufaclureu 



was of the value of :jJ85,856,771. Deducting this 
from the total, the result is the avails of labor in 
all t'u'se various departments. According to this 
subtraction, the productive industry of Massachu- 
setts, in 1850, was $71,887,223, or $,04,928,094 
less than one year's cotton crop. According 
to the census, the number of hands employed in 
manufacturing, mining, and the mechanic arts, 
was one hundred and fifty-five thousand nine 
hundred and thirty-eight; in the fisheries, eleven 
thousand five hundred and twenty-three; making 
in all one hundred and sixty-seven thousand four 
hundred and one. If you divide the $71,887,223, 
which is tlie product after deducting the raw ma- 
terial, by one hundred and sixty-seven thousand 
four hundred and one, the whole number of labor- 
ers, every person employed, including men, 
women, and children, must have earned $430 
each . Whether that is true or not, I do not know. 
This statement, however, as far as I know, 
does not include those persons employed in ship 
building, in the marine of Massachusetts, and in 
merchandise. Whether they are included or not, 
does not clearly appear from the census; but sup- 
pose they are not included: then, according to the 
census, the whole nuhiber of occupations in Mas- 
sachusetts is two hundred and ninety-five thou- 
sand three hundred — a little more than one 
third of her whole population, if you multiply 
that number, $430, which each person employed 
in manufactures seems to have earned, it gives 
you a total of $126,979,090, being $9,936,317 less 
than the product of one year's cotton crop. 

Mr. WILSON. Mr. Sumner referred to the 
productive industry of Massachusetts, according 
to the statistics of 1855, which have lately been 
published. # 

Mr. EVANS. I speak from the public records. 
The whole population of the State of Massachu- 
setts, according to the census of 1850, was nine 
hundred and eighty-five thousand four hundred 
and fifty. Three times the value of the annual 
cotton crop is $410,445,951. If you divide this 
sum by every living being in Massachusetts — 
from the child in its'motheV's arms to the grand- 
father, tottering on the brink of the grave, each 
one of them would have earned, or would repre- 
sent, $436. I leave it to those who have common 
sense to decide whether that can be true. 

But, Mr. President, suppose these things are 
rue: is it anything remarkable that Massachu- 
setts, and perhaps I ought to say some adjoining 
portion of New England, should have outstripped 
all the restof the world in their productive indus- 
try? I hold in my hand an estimate of the fish 
bounties which have been paid out of the public 
Treasury from 1820 to 18.38, a period of nineteen 
years. During that time, $4,599,266 were paid out 
of the public Treasury for the fisheries alone. 
These bounties began as far back as 1791. Tho 
first, as Ilearn from looking at the acts of Congress, 
wasa bounty of twenty cents upon every barrel of 
fish exported, and a drawback for every bushel 
of salt which was con.sumed in it. At that time, it 
will be remembered, the duty on salt was high — 
twenty cents a bushel. Thus, upon every barrel 
offish which was exjiorted, the exporter received 
thirty cents for the barrel, and a drawback on the 



11 



Bait, which was, porhnps, twonty cents. Any- 
l\ow, tlipst; dulios in nineteen ymrs aniountpil to 
$4,r)i)9,2G(r, and if itoonid hf conipiitpd up to tliis 
timo, thnre cnn be no doul)t that thi-rc has linen 
paid out ot' tiie jiublic Trensury «S,l".<'*'<>.<'('Oi 
three fourths of which Imve fjone to Massachu- 
setts for the purpose of protecting one branch of 
her industry. 

From 1816 up to this time, nil her inannfnc- 
lures have liccn protected by heavy duties. How 
much benefit she has derived from them I do not 
know, but I suppose it has been very -ireHt, from 
the present condition of her manufactures. I 
heard a gentleman, who professed to know some- 
thing on that subject, siiy, during the last Con- 
gress, that the profits arising from manufactures 
was at least fifteen per cent. then. Whether it is 
so yet, I do not know. This is all 1 have to say 
on that subject. 

The next point to which I wish to direct atten- 
tion is, that it is imputed to South Carolina as a 
sin — and 1 hope she will never iuive any greater 
one to answer for — that she rerpiires a pecuniary 
qualification for her memliers of the Legislature. 
That is true, and I trust it will be many a day 
before that feature in her constitution be abol- 
ished. By the constitution of 1790, it was pro- 
vided: 

" Every free white nmn, of the nje of twenty-one ytars, 
bciii2:i eiii/eii cil tim Stni.-. :inil havinj resided tliorein two 
years |.. ^ .n n, n,, : n , ; , i.clioii, and who Iiath a Iree- 
liold ih ', i 1 .1 town lot, ofwliich he hatli 

■been I - 1 l\ ■ , ,\ I. i ji -isscd, at least six months be- 
fore siirii i;l<(.ii..ii..T, II.. I liavinssiich freehold or town lot, 
Iiath been a resident in the election district in which he 
offers to vole six months before the said i-ltction, and hath 
paid a tax the preceding year of iliree shillings sterling to- 
wards the support of Ihis government, shall have a right to 
vote for a member, or member!', to serve in either branch 
of the Legislature for the election district in which he 
holds such property, or is so resident." 

About 1808 our people grew wiser, as some 
thought, and altered that part of the constitution, 
so that now every man in the State has a right 
to vote if he has been two years in the State and 
has resided six months in the election district. 
It is true, that, if he has property in another dis- 
trict tlian that in which he jives, he can vote 
where that property is situated, or where he 
resides, but not in both. Compare that with 
Massachusetts. 

" Every male person, (being twenty-one years of age, 
and residtint of any particular town in this Commonwealth 
for the space of one year next precedusg,) liavnig a free- 
hold estate within the same town, of the annual income 
of three pounds, or any estate of the value of sixty pounds, 
shall have a rislit to vote In the choice of a representative, 
or representatives, for the said town." 

That is the Massachusetts constitution of 1780. 
In 1820 it was altered; and no other qttalifii-ation 
for a voter is now required in Massachusetts 
except that he pay a tax. Aristocratic and anti- 
Democratic as the constitution of South Carolina 
is represented to be, we allow our people to vote 
without paying any tax, and a very large portion 
of those who vote upon residence alone are not 
tax payers at all. All the taxes of South Caro- 
lina are levied upon lands, negroes, stock in 
trade, bank stock, (and that not until recently,) 
professional income, and some other things of 
that sort. I am sure that if the Legislature of 



I South Carolina were to impoBe a poll-tax, loo, 
we Hhoiild have a rebellion in our State equ«l to 

I that of Capuiin Shay's at least, who ret"u8.<l to 
pay the tax because he did not asMent to it. Sir, 

I a poll-tax is what we <-.all a free-negro tax; and, 
as a Senator from Mississippi once said here, a 

] white man in our country is a whit<; mnii. I am 
not sure what might be the result if the Legis- 

I laturc were to attempt to put a poll-lax on our 

I people. Hut, sir, let that pass. 

I I come now to the representative feature: 

" No person Mhall be eligible to a -eni in the Home of 
Ilepresenlaiiveii iinluiui he in a free white man of tiienge of 
twenty-one yearn, and hnlh been a elUzen and roNident in 
this Stall' llirce yiiirs [iriVious to hi< eleeiion. Ifare>ideiit 
III till' eir.ii .1, ,'li lip :, 'i'- -liall not be eligible to a seat in 
till' II.Mi r . i: , I'r. ■- unless he be Ir-ijally Melzcd 

anil pn~~. - I < .1 refill, oi a. settled freehold CsUtV 

of live linn. I: .|,ii.-.. i. mil, and ten negroes" — 

I suppose, when the Senator from Massachu- 
setts got to the ten negroes, he thought there must 
be somi'lhing terrible behind, and therefore lie did 
not look any further. 

Mr. BUI LEll. He did not quote that at all; 
he got to the word " land," and then the Senator 
from Massachusetts said " or" instead of" and," 
so that he did not quote it right. 

Mr. EVANS. The remaining part of llie sen- 
tence is: 

" or of a real estate of the value of £ 150 sterling, clear of 
debt." 

The obvious meaning is, that if ho has a free- 
hold of five hundred acres and ten negroes in pos- 
session, though he may owe as much ns he is 
worth, he is eligible; but if he lias a freehold 
estate of ^'150 clear of debt, that is all that is 
required. 

For the Senate there is a larger property qual- 
, ification; for the Governor a still larger one; and 
j that is the constitution of the State of South Car- 
olina now, and I have never heard even a dema- 
gogue in my country find any fault with it thus 
j far. Let us go back to Massachusetts. There, 
j for a Senator, there is this qualification: 

"5. Providcil, iicvcrlhclcis, That no piT.-on shall be eac 
pahle of being elected a Senator, who is not seized in his 
own right of a freehold within this Coinmoiiwoalth of the 
value of £300 at least, or possessed of personal e;.tate to 
the value of JEGOO at least, or of both to the amount of Uic 
same sum ; and who Ini'S not been an inhabitant of this 
Commonwealth for the space of five years immediately pre- 
ceding his election ; and, at the time of his election, he shall 
be an inhabitant in the dislricl for which he is chosen." 

The qualification for a member of the House 
of Representatives is: 

" Kvery member of the Ilou^e of Representatives shall be 
chosen by written votes ; and for one year at least next pre- 
ceding his election shall havi- been itn inhabitant of, and 
have been seized in Ins own rishtof a freeliold of the value 
of JEIOO witlfin, the town he shall b • elio>.-n to repres-nt. 
or any r.-uable estate, to the value of £000 ; and he shall 
cease to represent the said town immediately on his ce:isiiig 
to^be qualified as aforesaid." 

These extracts arc from a book called "The 
American Constitutions," belonging to the library 
of Congress, and dated in 1849. So far as appears 
from this book, or so far as 1 have been able to 
[get any information, this property qualification 
required by the constitution of Mas.sachusetts in 
1780 exists to the present day. It is true that in 
1820 tliey altered their coiistitution so far as 



n 



related to the qualification of voters; but if there 
has been any chansro in the pecuniary qualifica- 
tion of mimbcrs of thi; Legislature, it has been 
since Mnssachus'.'tts has had new light shining 
on hir — since 18:20. 

Mr. WILSON. The provisions of the consti- 
tution wliich the Senator from South Carolina 
quotes have been amended; and no property qual- 
ification whatever exists in Massachusetts in 
regard to Senators or Representatives. There is 
a property qualification, however, in regard to 
the Governor of the Commonwealth, but not in 
regard to members of the Legislature. 

Mr. EVANS. I do not doubt that it may be 
so. New lights have been dawning on the people 
of this country from time to time, but I doubt if 
they are any wiser now than they were in 1780. 
[Laughter.] So much, sir, for this aristocratic 
constitution of the State of South Carolina — a 
constitution which the Senator from Massachu- 
setts [Mr. SuM^fEu] said was only republican in 
form. Well, sir, 'if it is republican in form, it 
carries the substance along with it. It suits u.s, 
and I do not suppose any one else has a right to 
complain. 

I come now to a subject which I approach 
more unwillingly than any other. The Senator 
from ^L^.'^saclmsetts says that the State of Mas- 
sachusetts, in the war of the Revolution, fur- 
nished more men for the armies than the whole 
of the slave States put together. There is some- 
thing in the statistics which are to be found in 
the Senator's speech two years ago; and there is 
Bomeihing to be found in a book, the author of 
which is a man by the name of Sabine, who pro- 
fesses to give you an account of the Royalists 
in this country, from which that inference may 
be drawn, unless the matter be closely scrutin- 
ized. I have not looked into this subject with 
any view to this discussion; for, although these 
things had been uttered here in my hearing 
two years ago, and when I had the proof, and 
could at anytime have furnished it, that it was 
altogeilier a mistake; yet, as the time had passed 
by, 1 determined to say nothing about it. When 
the Senator from Massachusetts, [Mr. Sumner,] 
a month ago, reiterated it here, 1 then determinetl 
that I would reply; but after what occurred sub- 
sequently to that, I determined to say nothing 
about it. But when the Senator now present 
[Mr. Wilson] reiterated it, and when, as I 
understand, a member of the House of Represent- 
atives, witliin a day or two past, has thought 
proper to enter the same arena, and thinks honin- 
IS to be gained, not merely by praising Massa- 
chusetts, but by vilifying South Carolina, I have 
felt it my duly to put this thing rigjit. In the 
course of the investigation which 1 have been 
obliged to make, connected with my dutv as one 
of the Committee on R<-volutionary Claims, I 
have gathered a vast deal of information in rela- 
tion to this matter, and I now beg leave to pre- 
sent it. 

Up to May, 1775, although there was an Amer- 
ican Cori^'ress in session, that Congress had no 
army, and did not attempt to exercise any con- 
trol uvi r It. Afn-r the battle of Lexington, some 
fifu-en or i.viiny iliousand men from New Eng- 



land, acting under some resolution of the New 
England States, assembled. In May, as blood 
had been shed, and we were likely to enter into 
a contest which was to involve us all, and as the 
spirit of the times was to unite all our means and 
all our forces, Congress took this arimy of New 
England, three fourths of whom came from Mas- 
sachusetts, into their pay. On the 15th day of 
June, 1775, General Washington was appointed 
to the command of that army. Not many days 
afterwards, major generals in the armV) and 
brigadiers, were elected. General Washington 
arrived in Cambridge some time early in July. 
The first move which Congress made in reference 
to the army was in reference to this army before 
Boston, from which they determined that the 
commander-in-chief should select the necessary 
number of troops, not exceeding twenty-two 
thousand. They were under the control of Con- 
gress, as far as they could control them by a com- 
mander-in chief, but all their regiment and com- 
pany officers were appointed by the States. 

Things remained in this situation until Sep- 
tember, 1776, when Congress determined to raise 
an army unconnected with the States, and resolved 
that the army should consist of eighty-eight bat- 
talions. These battalions were divided among 
the States. Massachusetts had fifteen; Virginia 
had fifteen; Pennsylvania twelve; Maryland eight; 
North Carolina eight or ten — I do not recollect 
which; and South Carolina six. The eighty- 
eight battalions, estimating them at six hundred 
men to a battalion, would make an army of fifty- 
two thousand eight hundred men. That was by 
far the greatest army Congress ever attempted to 
raise, and that, according to the best testimony I 
can get, was never half raised. 

In March, 1779, being unable to raise all these 
troops, Congress determined upon a new organ- 
ization ofbattalions, to be reduced to eighty. This, 
at six hundred men for a battalion, would make 
an army of forty -eight thousand. Of these eighty, 
Massachusetts had fifteen, Virginia fifteen. South 
Carolina six, being exactly the same number 
as before, though there was a total reduction. 
Besides, there were some light troops. These 
were commanded mostly by foreign officers. A 
bounty of !^250 was given to each man who 
would enlist to serve during the war. I ought 
to have stated that, by the resolution of 1776, 
the eighty-eight battalions were to be raised to 
serve during the war, but they never were. 

The next organization was on Februarys, 1780. 
By a resolution, the army was to consist of 
tliirtj-^-five thousand two hundred and eleven, 
exclusive of commissioned officers. Massachu- 
setts had six thousand and seventy; Virginia six 
thousand and si-venty; South Carolina two thou- 
sand four hundred and thirty, in exactly the same 
ratio as the former. 

On the 4th of October, 1780, a new organization 
took place, to take effect on the Ist of January, 
1781. The independent corps were abolished. 
The army was to consist of forty-eight regiments 
of infantry, four regiments of cavalry, four of 
artilkry.a German regiment commanded by Col- 
onel Ila/.en, and u regiment of artificers, making 
in all fifty-nine. Of these, Massachusetts h9.fi 



H 



ten of infantry, and one of nrlillcry, mnkinj 
plovrn. Virijinia had cijjlit of infnnlry, one of 
artillery, and two of cavalry, making; eleven. 
South Carolina had only two regiments of in- 
fantry. This, it will be remembered, was in 
October, 1780, after liie surrender of Chnrleaton, 
and the capture of her troops. Indeed, the whole 
State might be considered in tlie possession of 
Uie enemy. 

Now, sir, I come to ilie point. Of this army 
the Senator says, nearly sixty-eight thousand 
were furnished by Massachusetts. I think I 
might say, that is two thirds of all the ."^cildiers 
in the field from the beginning to the end of tlie 
Revolution, 'excluding that army before l}oston, 
of which I shall give some account liereafler; and 
yet that is the position. There ia no difficulty 
about this. New England began by enlistments 
of one year; the first troops which she enlisted 
were enlisted, I suppose, when they congregated 
atCambridge,aftertliebattle of Lexington, wliich 
was on the 19th of April, 1775. On looking into 
the "Washington letters, it will be perceived that 
the period of service of tliis whole body of troops 
ended on the 1st of January following; so that 
they could not have been enlisted for more than 
eight months. When that time expired, a very 
large portion of tliose men were enlisted again, 
and served for another year, to the beginning of 
the year 1777. So far as I can gather— and I have 
looked very diligently at authorities — the troops 
of Virginia, of Pennsylvania, of Maryland, of 
South Carolina, and, probably, of other States, 
were enlisted to serve either during the war or 
for three years. My impression is, that the Vir- 
ginia continental line was enlisted to serve during 
the war, and that her own State line, as it was 
called, which was five regiments, were enlisted 
for three years. 

Mr. HUNTER. The Virginia State line was 
composed of seven re?iments. 

Mr. EVANS. Now of New England, Mas- 
sachusetts included, unless towards the end of 
the war, when some extraordinary inducements 
were held out, all the enlistments were for one 
year. If Virginia had fifteen regiments, and Mas- 
sachusetts fifteen, and both of them filled their 
regiments, Vii'ginia for three years, and Massa- 
chusetts for one, then at the end of three years 
Massachusetts would have furnished nommally 
three times as many men as Virginia; that is, she 
recruited her regiments three times when Vir- 
ginia had recruited them but once. Without 
wasting the time of the Senate, it will bo foimd, 
on investigation, that it is that, and that alone, 
which has made this mighty difference. There 
is not a pretense — I affirm it on this occasion — 
there is not a pretense in liistory, there is noth- 
ing in the resolutions of Congress, which I have 
carefully looked over, to authorize the conclusion, 
tliat Massachusetts, from the time when Con- 
gress organized the army of 1776 up to the end 
of the war, furnished one man over and above 
her share. There is not a tittle of proof of it 
tliat I have ever seen. 

' 1 mean no reflection of Massachusetts. I do 
not believe that General Knox, if he ever made 
the statement to which the Senator alluded, sent 



it into the world with any view either to oxall 
MaHsnrhunetls or to cant any suspicion that any 
other State Imd not done its duty. It whh made 
out, I have no doul)l, by some rlrrk in the office 
from thi' muster r<dls, showing the enlistnviits. 
If Massachu.ietts enlisted Johii Doe and Richard 
Roe three times in three years, she iiad tin; credit 
for three soldiers, but wna entitled to only one. 
Tiiat is the way in which this mighty diflennca 
has occurred. I should In; .sorry, sir, if I should 
say anylliing Ix-re which could be construed into 
any iinkindness for Massachusetts. 1 admit, and 
I believe that, in that struggle, every State did its 
duty to tiie best of its ability. Is it true, as the 
honorable Senator who is present [Mr. Wilson] 
said very triumpliantly the other day, that Mas- 
sachusetts had fifteen times as many men as South 
Carolina? There is something like that slated in 
the history of Sabine to which I liave alluded. 
I do not know wliere it came from, but lie saw 
something like it in Sabine's history. He is a 
Massachusetts man; and I believe the Alassachu- 

I setts jieojile are so strongly impressed with the 
idea that they are ahead of all the rest of the 

I world, that there is not a history, as thick as an 
almanac, in which you will not find some eulogy 

! on Massachusetts, or on New England generally, 

I and lier particularly. They are entitled to great 
credit, and God forbid that I should detract from 

I it ! but when they set up such inordinate claims 

j tliat they did fifteen times as much as South Car- 

I olina, I must state the truth of history. 

j South Carolina had only ninety-three tiiousand 
people; Massachusetts liad three hundred and 

I fifty-four thousand. If the Senator, or any- 
boay else, will trouble liiniself to make the cal- 
culation, it will be found that the six regiments 
furnished by South Carolina were over her pro- 
portion compared to what Massachusetts did. 

j Virginia, having a population of three liundred 
thousand, furnished fifteen regiments as well as 

j Massachusetts, and Massachusetts had fifty-four 
thousand more population than her. I do not 

! know but that being shiveliolders some additional 
regiments wore put upon her for that reason. I 
know this much: that when Congress determined 

j to issue paper money by way of creating a sink- 

' ing fund to maintain its credit, they called upon 
the States to furnish $3,000,000, and that money 
was not to be raised on the white people, but was 
to be raised upon the whole population, mulattoes 
and negroes included; so that when the money 
was raised our negroes were taxed. It may be 
that we had to furnish an additional number of 
troops on account of our negroes, or, as I think 
is more likely, the men of that day met together 
as patriots, and each one was wilUng to contri- 
bute to the extent of his ability. 

I have a great deal of information here on that 
subject which will be very satisfactory as to what 
the States furnished to the regular army. I ad- 
mit it is possible, that when those troops which 
Massachusetts liad furnished before Boston came 
to be considered, she may have furnished a little 
more than her share, though I doubt that. 

I desire now to call tlie attention of the Senate, 
or of those who choose to hsten to this unpleasant 
discussion, to some facts whicli will be found in the 



14 



wriiings of Wnslungton.tdiK'd by Sparks, third 
volume, in wliich Ueneral VVasliingion gives an 
account of this formidiiljle army svhich was gath- 
ered before Boston. It is true that army fought 
the battle of Hunker Ilili, and behaved gallantly; 
but they had, as it «eenis, the same rjotion then 
whicli appears to |M-evail now, that Massachu- 
setts being the center of the world, when they 
had done their duty there, they had done all that 
wasreeiuired of them. They no doubt felt elated, 
for this battle of Bunker Hill was fought before 
General Washington came to the camp. They 
arrived at the conclusion that troops without dis- 
cipline were just as good as troops with discipline. 
General Washington, in a letter to his brother, 
John Augustine Washington, dated, "Camp at 
Cambridge, July 27, 1775," says: 

" I found a mixed ninllitudc of people here, under very 
little discipline, order, or government." 

In a letter to the President of the Council of 
Massachusetts Bay, dated August 7, 1775 — a 
month after he arrived there — General Washing- 
ton says: 

'■■ By the general return made to me for last week, I find 
there arc great numbers of soldiers and non-commis.^ioned 
otficers who absent themselves from duty, the greater part 
of whom, I have reason to believe, are at their respective 
homes, in diflerent parts of the country; some employed 
by their ofllcers on their farms, and others drawing pay 
from the public, while they are working on their own plan- 
tations or for hire. My utmost exertions have not been able 
to prevent this base and pernicious conduct." 

In a letter to the President of Congress, dated 
September 21, 1775, he says: 

"The necessities of the troops having required pay, I 
directed that tho.-^e of Massachusetts should receive for one 
month, upon their being mustered and returning a proper 
roll ; but a claim was immediately made for pay by lunar 
nionthg, and several regiments have declined taking up their 
warrants on this account." 

It will be found that after this, when Congress 
fixed pay, they took care to provide that it should 
be for calendar months. [Laughter.] 

In a letter to the President of Congress, dated 
Noveinber 1], 1775, General Washington says: 

" The tronble I have in the arrangement of the army is 
really inconceivable. Many of the officers sent in their 
names to serve, in expectation of promotion ; others stood 
aloof, to see what advantage they could make for them- 
selves ; whilst a number, who had declined, have again 
sent in their names to serve. So great has been the confu- 
sion, arising from these and many other perplexing circum- 
stances, that I found it absolutely impossible to fix this 
veryinterestiii'.' I.'i-iir—- cvrftlv (Ml the p!an resolved on 
in the conferi-i:- il:- njl, I \,:,vr |,, pi up to iIp' spirit of it 
as near asilw 1: ,111 ■•,;,,; i; , ii> ^Mtln' 'M-r wuuld iidniit. 

The difflcull) x\ u,, l:i -. !,!:-■; - 1- '.i, -,, :i|. niilr, ,|. iiicire sO, 
if posHllile, iji;ui Willi tlie .,Itie. IS. "'I'lii.y will not enlist 
until they know their coIoikI. Iieiitiiwuit, enloiiel, major, 
and eapl^iin. so ilial it was neer.-aa to fix tlie otlieeis the 
first Ihiiic which is, at last, in some manner done; and I 
have given out enUstiug orders." 

In a letter to the President of Congress, dated 
November 28, 1775 — when the year for which the 
men had enlisted was near its close — lie says: 

" The number enlisted since mv last is two thousand five 
hundred and forty men; and r aiii sorry to be necessit-tted 
to mention to you the egregious want ol' pnhlle >pirit which 
reignH liere. IiisK^ad of pressing to b(M:i.^':i;:i'iI m iliee;iuse 
ofiiieiriouiilry, whicli I vainly flatler.d iir»>. H w<iiilil be 
Iheea^e, I find we are likely to lie ile.i'rte,| ji, ;i must 
critical time. Those that have enlisted must have a fur- 
lough, which I have been obliged to grant lo lillyatn lime, 
froin vWLh re^iuieut." 



In a letter to Joseph Reed, of date November 
28, 1775, he says: 

" Such a dearth of public spirit, and such want of virtue, 
such stock-jobbing, and fi rtUiiy in all tlie low arts to obtain 
advantages of one kind (pr luioilier, in this great change of 
military ari-angcment, 1 never saw before, and I pray God's 
mercy that I may never be witness to again. What will 
be the end of these maneuvers is beyond my scan. I trem- 
ble at the prospect. We have been till tliis time enlisting 
about three thousand five hundred men. To engage those 
I have been obliged to allow furloughs as far as filly men to 
a regiment ; and the officers, I am persuaded, indulge as 
many more, fc^uch a mercenary spirit pervades the whole, 
that f should not at all be surprised at any disaster that may 
liajipen. In short, after the last of this niniith, our lines 
will he so weakened, that tlie iiiiiiute nn'ii and militia must 
be called in for their defense; and these, being under no kind 
of government themselves, will destroy the little subordi- 
nation I have been laboring to establish, and run me into 
one evil whilst lam endeavoring to avoid another; but the 
less must be chosen. Could I have foreseen what I have 
experienced, and am likely to experience, no consideration 
upon earth should have induced me to accept this com- 
mand. A regiment or any subordinate department would 
have been accompanied by ten times the satisfaction, and 
perhaps the honor." 

This was whilst the enemy had possession of 
their capital, and a large number encamped in 
full view of the American army. 

I could read many similar extracts. I have 
resuscitated these most unwillingly. In a letter 
to General Schuyler, dated December 5, 1775, 
General Washington says: 

" I know that your complaints are too well founded ; but 
I would willingly hope that nothing will induce you to quit 
the service ; and that, in time, order and subordination will 
take the place of confusion, and eoiiunand be rendered 
more agreeable." 

General Schuyler, in the letter to which this 
was a reply, had said: 

" Nothing can surpass the impatience of the troops from 
the New England colonies to get to their firesides. Near 
three hundred of them arrived a few days ago, unable to do 
any duty ; but as soon as I administered that grand specific 
— a discharge, thvy instantly acquired health; and rather 
than be detained a few days to cross Lake George, they 
undertook a march from here of two hundred miles with 
the greatest alacrity." 

I should be sorry to have any man suppose 
that these facts are brought forward as evidence 
of what Mas.sachusetts, or the men of Massachu- 
setts, were willing to do. Sir, there never was a 
nobler set of men on earth than those who led the 
destinies of this country in Massachusetts, South 
Carolina, Virginia, and every other State at that 
time. But it was impossible that the leading men 
of the country — those who bring about revolu- 
tions — could control all, or supply the army with 
the necessary numbers. What I have read shows 
that, as the Senator from Massachusetts [Mr. 
WiLso\] said the other day, there were some 
mean Yankees then; and they were, unhappily, 
too numerous. 

There are some other facts of some consequence 
in this connection, which I have derived from the 
American Archives. Among the officers first ap- 
pointed by Congress was General Gates as atlju- 
tant general. In his return of the army on the 
18th of August, 1775 — only n little more than a 
month after General Washington arrived — there 
were thirty-eight regiments, amounting to nine- 
teen thciusaiui and si.vty men; there had been 
enlisted one hundred and seventy; deserted one 
hundred and fifty-three; sick, three thousand two 



15 



hundred and twenty-four. This was while the 
enemy was in possession of Boston. Wlietlier 
this was real sickness, or the home-sickness of 
which General Schuyler spoke, I do not know. 
On the 23d of September, 1775, about a month 
afterwards, we find another return. Then,'';ere 
were, regiments, thirty-ei^ht; men, nineteen thou- 
sand three hundred and sixty-five; enlisted, one; 
deserted, forty-four; sick, two thousand two hun- 
dred' and seventeen. 

It should be stated, in this connection, that on 
the day before General Washington was elected 
commander-in-chief, an order was issued for 
raising a regiment of riflemen. Four companies 
were assigned to Pennsylvania; two to Maryland; 
two to Virginia. On the 27th of July, Daniel 
Morgan arrived at Cambridge with a full company 
enlisted in Frederick county, Virginia; and before 
the 15th of August the entire regiment was en- 
listed in Pennsylvania and Maryland, and was 
before Boston. It is true, they remained there 
but a short time; for another expedition was got 
up, in which their services were needed in the 
invasion of Canada. 

I think I have said enough about Massachu- 
eetts, but I am sure I have said nothing of her in 
an invidious or unkind spirit. I have an extract 
before me which I will not read. It is a re- 
turn of men who were enlisted in Massachusetts, 
to supply a part of the grand army, and were 
rejected — about a hundred of them — for various 
reasons. Some were boys who could not carry 
a musket; some were old; many were halt and 
lame. I do not think it necessary, however, to 
bring that into this discussion. I suppose that 
he who enlisted them, like Falstaff, had possibly 
pocketed the money ; but according to Baron Steu- 
ben's account of them, Falstaff's company was a 
Roman legion when compared to these soldiers of 
Massachusetts. 

A further evidence that Massachusetts fur- 
nished no more than her due proportion of the 
army is to be found in the fact, that at the end 
of this war she had only her due proportion 
of officers entitled to the commutation; and 
of the officers who were killed in battle, she 
had only thirty-nine, whilst Virginia had forty- 
nine, and Pennsylvania thirty -nine. 

Now, Mr. President, I come to what I would 
willingly avoid, but it seems to be necessary. It 
appears to have been considered that honor was 
to be acquired in abusing and traducing the 
military services of the State of South Carolina. 
The wonder to me is — I think it must be the won- 
der with every wise and reflecting person — that 
she did as well as she did. She was a little 
State, with only ninety-three thousand inhabit- 
ants. She was surrounded on the north by a 
wilderness in North Carolina, and almost all her 
interior country was a wilderness also; the lower 
region was filled with new Africans, as barbar- 
ous as they were on the day they were caught in 
Africa. In this situation was South Carolina 
when Prevost invaded the State in 1779. It is put 
down as an evidence of weakness, that some of 
our leaders complained that too many men were 
required to prevent the slaves from escaping. I 
do not doubt, from looking over the records, that 



our quota was increased on account of the slaves; 
but 1 am not here to deny the truth; I admit that 
when our country was in the possession of the 
British, "the slave jiopulation was, to some extent, 
a source of weakness. These new Africans who 
had been imported, and were mainly along the 
sea-shore, had to be kept from desertion, by 
being constantly watched; but I assert as a fact, 
that in the interior country, and especially amon? 
that part of the population who had emigrated 
from Virginia, and brought Virginia negroes 
with them, the negroes were as loyal to their mas- 
ters as their masters were to the Government; 
and so far from its being true, as a general propo- 
sition, that slavery is a weakness in a country, it 
will be found that those who have most gallantly 
stood up for their liberties in all ages, have had 
others to work for them whilst they fought the 
battles of their country. 

Well, sir, so far as I know and believe, South 
Carolina furnished her full contingent. She did 
nothing more, and I claim nothing more for her. 
She furnished her full contingent of the regular 
army, and it was kept up until the State waa 
finally overrun, and Charleston fell into the hands 
of the British, in May, 1780. In the book to 
which I have alluded, written by Mr. Sabine, it 
is said that, with a New England army and a 
New England general, we were so weak that we 
were unable to defend our own capital, and it fell 
into the hands of the enemy. Sabine himself 
admits that the State of South Carolina furnished 
some gallant men. He mentions Sumpter, Mar- 
ion, and others; but, says he, very sagaciously, 
" a single swallow does not make a spring; and 
a single feather does not make a bed." This 
mighty New England army of which he speaks, 
consisted simply of General Lincoln and nobody 
else. He was the only New England man there, 
so far as I know. I do not impute this as a blame 
to her, because she had enough to do at home — 
not perhaps always in Massachusetts, but in the 
adjacent country. 

It is a historical fact, not to be disputed, that 
the army by which Charleston was captured 
was double the number of the garrison and all 
the militia in the city; and that the small-pox 
prevailed in the city so that it was impossible to 
get the countrymen in, or there would have been 
a much larger force there. The British force was 
double any force that was embodied in Charles- 
ton to furnish defense. 

To this followed an entire subjection of the 
country. The enemy had possession of the capi- 
tal. They had possession of New York, I believe, 
for the greater part of the war. 
Mr. SEWARD. Yes, sir. 
Mr. EVANS. They had possession of Phil- 
adelphia, which w^as then the national capital. 
The capital of South Carolina fell into their hands. 
That is no proof of weakness. Immediately after 
the capture, tiie British commander sent his de- 
tachments into every section of the country; and 
in less than one month after Charleston surren- 
dered, in May, 1780, they had entire possession 
of the country. Congress made an cfl'ort to re- 
deem it. They sent Gates there with an army, 
not from New England, but composed almost 



16 



entirely of Marylnnd troops-, there may have been 
some Pennsylvauia troops, and some from Vir- 
ginia. 

Mr. BUTLER. And some from Delaware. 

Mr. EVAIS'S. The Delaware troops were 
liu're afterwards with Greene. 

Mr. UUTLKR. Kirkwood was there. 

Mr. EVAIS'S. The result was that, by rash- 
ness and imprudence, the army was cut to pieces 
in a night, and everything was consideied as lost. 
To this succeeded the battle of King's Mountain, 
wliich, 1 think, taking it altogether, was the most 
glorious event of the Revolution. I have not 
alluded to some other events. Finally, Greene 
succeeded to the command, taking with him two 
Maryland regiments and one regiment from Vir- 
ginia, the remnant of the Delaware regiment, 
amounting to eighteen hundred men, all told, 
wh«'n inspected afterwards. He fought the 
battle of Guilford Court-House. He sustained a 
partial defeat at Camden, but that was more than 
redeemed by the Cowpens, Eutaw, and other 
battles. The British were driven into Charleston; 
and then Greene's army, which originally con- 
sisted only of seventeen or eighteen hundred men, 
was reduced to seven or eight hundred. All these 
battles were fought and gained by these valiant 
men— all from tiie South — aided by our native 
militia and some of the gallant men from Wat- 
tauga, in Tennessee, commanded by Sevier, who 
had so valiantly distinguished themselves at 
King's Mountam. After the capture of York- 
town, a brigade of the brave troops of Pennsyl- 
Tania, under V/ayne, was sent to our aid. With 
these, the entire reconquestboth of South Carolina 
and Georgia was completed. 

I am much exhausted; and, in conclusion of 
■what I have to say, Mr. President, I beg leave to 
present, and ask the Secretary to read, an extract 
from the speech of Mr. Bancroft, delivered at the 
King's Mountain celebration on the 7th day of 
October last, and leave the Senate and posterity, 
and all who feel an interest in the question, 
whether South Carolina did her duty, to settle it 
between Mr. Sumner and Mr. Bancroft. 1 ask 
the Secretary to read the extract from Mr. 



LlBRftR^ °[, 



say. 
Th 



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ONGRESS 

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have to 



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to adlie' 

Colouios 



011 89^ 



832 8 ^ i„a. At 
... ..uo, slie was the first 
„....»,i.u union ; and to lier it is due that tho 
.-umetin Congress. When, in 1774, a tyrannical 
Government endeavored, by the slow torture of starvation, 
to crush Boston into submission, South Caiolina opened 
her granaries of rice, and ministered abundantly to its re- 
lief. VVliile tlie sons of ihe Scottish Covenanters in Meck- 
lenburg were the'lirst to sever the connection with Great 
Britain, and institute government for themselves, the im- 
mediate harbinger of the great reform rose within the bor- 
ders of this State ; the victory gained at the Palmetto fort 
by Moultrie was the bright and the morning star, which went 
before the Declaration of American Independence. Wher- 
ever the camp-fires of the emigrant shall light up the for^ 
ests of the West ; wherever the history of our country is 
honestly told; wherever the struggles of brave men in the 
cause of humanity are respected, high honor will be rendered 
tn the triumph at King's Mountain, and at Cowpens, and to 
that sad victory at Eutaw Springs, where the voice of ex- 
ultation is chastened by sorrow for the brave who fell. 

" Fot the North to take an interest in your celebration 
is but an act of reciprocity. Everywhere, in my long pil- 
grimage to be present with you on tliis occasion, I found evi- 
dence of the affection with which the South cherishes the 
memory of every noble action in behalf of liberty, without 
regard to place. Beautiful Virginia, land of mountains and 
lowlands, rich in its soil, abounding in healing springs, and 
the storehouse of all kinds of mineral wealth, builds'a 
Lexington in the very heart of her most magnificent valley; 
North Carolina repeals the name in one of the loveliest 
regions in the world ; and South Carolina designates by it 
a great central district in her State. 

" There is a still stronger reason why the North should 
give you its sympathy on this occasion. She sent you no 
aid in the hour of your greatest need. It is a blessed thing 
to give even a cup of cold water in a right spirit ; it was not 
then possible to give even that. All honor must be awarded 
to the South, since she was left to herself alone in the hour 
other utmost distress. 

"The romance of the American Revolution has its scenes, 
for the most part, in the South; and the battle of King's 
Mountain, of which we celebrate the seventy-fifth anniver- 
sary to-day, was the most romantic of all. " 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



011 897 832 8 



